Dr. Ede Warner
University of Louisville
Dr. Jon Bruschke
California State University, Fullerton
I’ve told how debating was a weekly event there, at the Norfolk prison colony. My reading had my mind like steam under pressure. Some way, I had to start telling the white man about himself to his face. I decided I could do this by putting my name down to debate…Once my feet got wet, I was gone on debating. Whichever side of the selected subject was assigned to me, I’d track down and study everything I could find on it. I’d put myself in my opponents’ place, and decide how I’d try to win if I had the other side: I’d figure a way to knock down all those points.”
--Malcolm X, Autobiography of Malcolm X, 1964
Education provides a microscopic paradigm case of broader social inequalities in contemporary America; Kozol (1992) argued almost a decade ago that urban educational settings lie under-funded and in desolation, and seem especially poor when compared to the quality of pedagogy in private and suburban spheres. One controversy, deemed by some as the “civil rights debate of the nineties” revolves around the issue of tax vouchers, with proponents arguing for increasing the ability of poor students to attend private schools and opponents warning of renewed segregation (Henry, 1999). As these and other issues play themselves out, it is difficult to imagine an American with racial equality so long as educational inequalities manifest themselves along racial lines.
Improving urban education may require more than traditional programs designed to raise test scores. Urban youth are not so much underachievers as they are marginalized and excluded from society. A current assumption is that if urban youths could just absorb the content (what has traditionally been called the “curriculum”) of their classes, they will have the skills they need to thrive in society. This paper takes a different view. Marginalized students certainly need basic academic skills, but the content of their education must focus always on enriching ways of including students in society; it must emphasize ways to give students not just the tools of the academy, but also the tools of empowerment.
It is doubtful that such an emphasis exists at present. Administrators in urban settings increasingly focus on what is thought to be the “core” of an education (Wade, 1998). While sports still command a healthy presence in urban educational institutions, many other “extra-curricular” activities are lost in budgetary shuffles and the panic to improve the basics. This essay will examine the possibility of rekindling academic debate as a true solution to disempowerment and academic defalcation in the inner cities. The analysis proceeds in four stages. First, empowerment is defined. Second, a brief description of academic debate is offered along with a discussion of its current status in secondary education. Third, the possibilities of debate as an empowerment tool are discussed. The challenges facing academic debate are considered in the final section.
A DEFINITION OF EMPOWERMENT
Any reviewer of the literature will have no trouble discerning the wisdom of Jennings’ (1992) conclusion that “the term ‘empowerment’ has been used in different, even contradictory ways” (p. 33). For some, the community must be the unit of analysis for empowerment discussions (Walters, 1999), for others it is the individual (Robinson, 1995), and for some scholars the definition turns on a difference between access to power and the attainment of power itself (Jennings, 1992). In this paper, empowerment will be defined as a concept, its location will be identified, and its link to education will be explored. Our purpose here is not to break new theoretical ground in definitions of empowerment, but simply to identify an acceptable definition and then explore the value of a particular educational strategy in light of what can be understood as empowerment.
What does empowerment mean? An understanding of the term must begin in our contemporary social context. The postmodern situation is one where individuals are more and more dependent upon institutions and bureaucracies, and those bureaucracies have a tendency to insulate themselves from the individuals that they are supposed to serve. As the situation warps itself, the institutions become self-protective and increasingly orient themselves to support the well off while increasingly ignoring the needs of the under-served. The institutions serve the privileged because only the privileged have access to and influence in the institutions. Thus, “one of the most debilitating results of modernization is a feeling of powerlessness in the face of institutions controlled by those whom we do not know and whose values we often do not share” (Galston, 1996, p. 164). Individuals and communities become empowered when they possess “the capacity to change social relations and the ownership, management, and distribution of wealth” (Jennings, 1992, p. 34) in both public and private contexts. Thus, at its most basic level, social policy should focus on “empowering poor people to do the things that the more affluent can already do, aim at spreading the power around a bit more – and to do so where it matters most, in people’s control over their own lives” (Galston, 1996, p. 164).
We believe that empowerment occurs at both individual and community levels, and that communities are empowered as the individuals in those communities are empowered. Professor Galston (1996) puts forth the view in a powerful way:
Empowerment should be understood…as a multidimensional social possibility. Along one dimension, individuals can be empowered to make personal choices that improve their lives -- choices that may (but need not) require new or stronger associational bonds with others. Along another dimension, communities can be empowered to act in ways that promote the common good as defined collectively by their members. Empowerment, then, is frequently, but not invariably, linked to mediating institutions; it may sometimes be promoted and pursued by individuals through instruments other than these institutions. (pp. 58-69)
Education has long been a key facet of empowerment. Galston (1996) has firmly located education at the center of empowerment: “For many younger Americans, empowerment comes through post-secondary education and advanced training” (p. 60). “Education” is not a static variable, however, and there can be little doubt that the type of education one receives (both its content and its means of transmission) makes a profound difference. What are the characteristics of an empowering education? The possibilities are, of course, multifaceted, and to capture the richness of the concepts we quote Ira Shor (1992) at some length here:
Empowering education invites students to become skilled workers and thinking citizens who are also change agents and social critics. Giroux (1988) described this as educating students “to fight for a quality of life in which all human beings benefit.” He went on to say, “Schools need to be defended, as an important public service that educates students to be critical citizens who can think, challenge, take risks, and believe that their actions will make a difference in the larger society” (214). Further, McLaren (1989) discussed the pedagogy as “the process which students learn to critically appropriate knowledge existing outside their immediate experience in order to broaden their understanding of themselves, the world, and the possibilities for transforming the taken-for-granted assumptions about the way that we live” (186). Banks (1991) defined empowerment in terms of transforming self and society: “A curriculum designed to empower students must be transformative in nature and help students to develop the knowledge, skills, and values needed to become social critics who can make reflective decisions in effective personal, social, political, and economic action” (131). (pp. 16-17).
Beyond the curricular issues, the manner in which education is conducted should be empowering. In contrast to the traditional, top-down, and lecture-oriented model of educational communication, an empowering classroom must see student growth as “an active, cooperative, and social process” (Shor, 1992, p. 15). Friere (1993) has taken a similar view and criticized what he deems “narrative sickness” in our schools.
Broken down, this compendium of definitions include at least three requirements for an empowering education. First, students must learn to engage knowledge in a critical way. They must be able to listen carefully to a point of view, examine its strong and weak points in a dialectical way, and then choose for themselves their own beliefs about a subject. They must “approach received wisdom and the status quo with questions” (Shor, 1992, p. 17). Second, they must be social critics. Essentially, they must apply the same dialectical stance toward the world they live in and the public policies they are asked to live by and participate in enacting. Third, students must agents of change who are willing to take risks, and believe that those actions can make a difference. Ostensibly, the more comfortable students are in participating with the systems that produce change the more willing they will be as risk takers and change agents. Running through all themes is a critical approach, a dialectical thinking process whereby students develop “habits of inquiry and critical curiosity” (Shor, 1992, p. 15).
In sum, empowerment is the ability to change one’s own life and one’s community, empowerment occurs at both individual and community levels, and the most crucial role education can play in relation to empowerment is teaching students the skills of critical intellectual engagement. What remains is to discover how academic debate fits into this scheme of empowerment.
Competitive academic debate is a broad field that includes contests on many different sorts of topics (e.g., value or policy) in a variety of formats. Although it is true that “argument is argument” and a full-service debate program can offer a variety of debate formats to serve a variety of student needs, this essay will focus on the unique research and critical thinking emphasis of policy debate. There are at least six characteristics of academic debate that are relevant to empowerment: Debate is based on student performance, and it is competitive, interscholastic, time pressured, research intensive, and dialectical.
A brief description of policy debate may be useful for those unfamiliar with its content and format. Policy debate squads are composed of multiple two-person teams and each school can field as many teams as they have resources to support. At the high school level, a national organization, the National Forensics League, sets a topic for the entire season. Each school takes its teams to interscholastic tournaments, hosted by either high schools or colleges, and contestants will usually compete in between three and eight preliminary rounds. Teams are awarded wins and losses and each speaker is assigned individual speaker points. Each round takes roughly an hour and a half to complete. At the conclusion of the preliminary rounds the tournament administrator will either recognize the top teams and speakers in order or hold a single-elimination run-off to determine an overall champion. Either way, the top teams and speakers at the tournament receive trophies or awards. The topic is usually fairly broad (past topics, for example, have included “Resolved: That the United States should significantly change its foreign policy towards Russia”), and each team must debate both sides of the topic, called the affirmative and negative. At a four round tournament, for instance, each team would have two affirmative and two negative rounds. When affirmative, teams are free to choose from any case area under the broad topic. On the Russia topic, a team might choose to focus on nuclear policy, immigration policy, military deterrence, or economic policy. Those case areas might further be refined to cases about NATO expansion, nuclear alert status, etc. When negative, teams must refute whichever specific case area the affirmative chooses. Obviously, being prepared to debate any possible case area under the topic requires a staggering amount of research and preparation before the tournament begins. A high school squad typically competes in eight to twelve tournaments a year.
A first characteristic of competitive academic debate is thus that it is student performance based. During the course of the debate students respond to each other’s speeches. An affirmative speaker presents the case, a negative speaker will then conduct a cross-examination, and the negative partner will refute the affirmative case. This basic sequence repeats through four constructive speeches and four rebuttals. Importantly, the students are responding to each other. The judge, usually a teacher or college debater, observes the debate and provides feedback after the debate is over either in the form of an oral critique or written comments on a ballot. Notice that the students are not learning by taking notes and memorizing facts, they are “learning by doing.” During their debates students must be able to make a solid presentation, defend their stance against objections and contrary evidence, answer questions about their own claims and evidence, think on their feet, and coordinate their strategies with their partner.
There are two powerful benefits to the performance-oriented nature of debate. First, there is strong reason to believe that students develop and grow much faster when they are actually engaged in the subject they are supposed to be internalizing as opposed to simply being exposed to the writing and lecturing of others (Friere, 1993). The learning cycle is complete when students are taught how to do something and then get the chance to do it for themselves. Second, the very nature of the event empowers students by putting them in charge of their own fates. Rather than relying strictly on the authority figure of the teacher to direct the learning, the students are depending on themselves and each other. As Melissa Wade (1998) writes:
There are certainly trends in education which encourage interactive and dialogic pedagogies, but few are as potent as debate. Teachers and students from many different schools from across the United States learn from each other as positions are built and evaluated in the laboratory of competition. A contest round reverses the narration pattern of traditional education. The student speaks to the teacher, referencing information that reflects an understanding of concrete knowledge grounded in research. Through the ballot or the oral critique the teacher reacts, refines ideas, and encourages the student, but the basis of their meeting is student driven; the basis uniquely relevant for student experiential education. In this way, students have an authentic learning experience, an experience that does not treat them like an object to be “filled,” but as a person with whom a teacher shares. (pp. 63-4)
Third, the skills developed in debate transfer to other endeavors. Competitive academic debate targets advanced skill development; competitors must master the basic reading, writing, and research skills (the “Three R’s” of debate) and also develop critical thinking, time management, and organizational skills. Brand assesses the generalizability of these proficiencies:
Debate promotes strong research and reasoning skills which go beyond most in-class speaking or writing assignments. The time and commitment of debate competitors manifests itself in skills which can be successfully transferred to a variety of professional experiences. Once removed from the competitive debate environment, debaters are more than capable of using effective delivery and other communication skills. Evaluations of debate based on the competitive environment do an injustice to the excellence which the activity promotes. These benefits need to be made evident to others in the discipline. (p. 263)
Debate participation also has the potential to improve traditional grades and test scores. In a very direct way, many underachieving students, once “gone on debating,” become better academic performers. In a more indirect way others choose to meet the debate team’s academic eligibility requirements because they want to keep participating on the squad. Of course, some students fail to improve academically but our experience in over two decades of coaching is that at-risk and underachieving students tend to fall into the first two categories if they get excited about debate. Empirical data on the subject is hard to come by, however, one recent meta-analysis demonstrated that participation in debate is a powerful way to advance critical thinking skills (Allen, Berkowitz, Hunt, & Louden, 1999). It is important to note that whether social scientists can prove a relationship between traditional educational measures and debate the point may be ancillary to an overall educational strategy. This paper seeks not simply to prove that debate can improve traditional student performance, but that debate is the sort of activity that can lead to student empowerment in a way that traditional education fails to encourage. In other words, academic debate has tremendous value quite apart from its ability to improve achievement.
Secondly, academic debate is competitive. Wins and losses are awarded at the end of every debate. The best teams at each tournament receive trophies, as do the top speakers. Students are not competing against an abstract measure for a grade; they are competing against each other. The result is a much more rigorous evaluation process. Instead of relying on a single teacher to point out the strengths and weaknesses of each argument, the students (motivated by a desire to win) point out the weaknesses in each other’s arguments. Over the course of a season of debating, virtually all weaknesses are exposed at some point. The better teams, of course, address those shortcomings and improve. In all cases, the competition drives students to improve themselves and impress the judges.
Put bluntly, the competition makes debate frightening. It is well known that there is widespread fear of public speaking, and academic debate takes the stakes up a notch. Not only are students asked to speak in public, they must speak in public knowing that their positions will be attacked and about half the time they will be handed a loss for their efforts. Much can be done to make debate less intimidating (good judges will provide positive and negative feedback, and tournament environments can be made encouraging), but successful competitors will gain their success only by taking on great risks and overcoming great challenges.
Third, academic debate is interscholastic. Although practice debates are held against other teams from a student’s own school, tournaments almost always feature competition against other high schools. The very nature of an interscholastic activity is such that students are constantly meeting people outside of their immediate social circle. At large tournaments with a national draw debaters interact with other students who live in distant states and have experiences far removed from the other competitors. Students are exposed to other campuses, including collegiate venues, and are often judged by college students. Unlike athletic interscholastic activities, where students might never converse with their opponents, there is a large amount of “down time” before and after debates that affords ample opportunity for informal conversation. These characteristics necessarily broaden the perspectives and horizons of students. By meeting different people from different cities, seeing different sights and campuses, the students are exposed to a way of life different (if only by degree) from their own. The benefits of contact with college campuses and college-student judges cannot be overestimated; urban students who may be the first in their families to attend college may not have a social support network that encourages post-secondary education. Meeting people who go to college and seeing campuses first hand is a powerful way to make college a less intimidating and more attainable place to be.
Further, the interscholastic model accelerates learning in a exponential way. Interscholastic debate differs from debate in the classroom (sometimes referred to as “debate across the curriculum”). The difference between the two is analogous to the difference between a regular gym class and a school’s basketball team that competes against other schools. The philosophy behind the gym class is that all students will benefit from some exposure to physical fitness; in a similar vein, the idea behind classroom debate is that all students will benefit from an exposure to the basic precepts of argument and debate. The philosophy behind the basketball team is that the very best athletes will excel to vastly greater levels of development by competing against the very best athletes of other schools. Similarly, tournament debate offers the students most “gone on” academic debating to sharpen and refine their skills to truly advanced degrees by competing in tournament formats against the best speakers and debaters from other institutions.
Fourth, academic debate is a time-pressured activity. The critical thinking and strategic skills are learned in a fast-paced environment. Every speech, the cross-examination periods, and even the preparation time allotted for each team during the debate is subject to strict and limits. Time allocation often determines who wins and loses a debate, and the task is made all the more difficult given the complex number of arguments advanced in a given round. Consequently, debaters must not only work at understanding the arguments, but work at understanding which arguments are the most important to the final decision. A negative team may initiate ten arguments in their first speech (traditionally eight or nine minutes), but since their rebuttal speeches are roughly half as long competitors face decisions about which arguments are the more crucial. Constant awareness of the interrelationships between arguments is critical to success. Efficiency in word selection, language variety, and rhetorical choice are premium skills. All in all, the highly-specialized technical aspects of debate teach students not just to develop reasoning, speaking, and strategy skills, but teaches these skills in a pressured environment. By its very nature, debate sets the highest possible expectation for what students are capable of doing.
Fifth, academic debate is research intensive. Debaters must know what the best arguments are against a particular position, and that understand must include knowing how the opposition can answer the those arguments. For example, a recent collegiate topic on Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act necessitated discussions of a wide range of issues, regarding everything from pregnancy accommodation laws, to stronger protections for gays and lesbians in the workplace, to consideration of the effect of Title VII on minority businesses. On the high school Russia topic, an affirmative choosing to discuss the de-alerting of our nuclear weapons could expect a varied negative attack including diverse argumentation on the feasibility of the proposal, the lack of a risk of nuclear launch given current institutional structures, philosophical objections to any attempt make nuclear weapons “safer,” the political unpopularity of the proposal, and the program’s cost. The research demands of academic debate, coupled with the competitive nature of debate, can motivate a student with little interest in research or education to research simply because they want to do well in debate. In other words, competition becomes a vehicle for motivating students to research.
Finally, at its core debate is a dialectical process. Originally, the dialectical process referred to a question-and-answer format between students and teachers and was juxtaposed with a lecturing method of teaching (Infante, Rancer, & Womack, 1990, p. 97). In more modern Hegelian and Marxist terms, it has come to mean the offering of a thesis, the counter of the thesis with an antithesis, and the continual refining of both the thesis and antithesis into a synthesis. Most recently, the term has been used to communicate relationships of constant tension, nonlinearity, and process. The term is used here to mean a type of thinking that recognizes both sides of problem, resists absolutist conclusions, demands the thorough questioning of any proposition, and recognizes the value of continually challenging both a thesis and its opposite. At least one theorist has argued that the dialectical process, thinking, and arguing, are synonymous (Billig, 1987).
Such dialectical practices lie at the heart of an academic debate. In the most general terms, the topic provides the thesis and is supported by the affirmative. The negative must offer the antithesis, and both teams defend their positions through a process of continual challenging. At a more microscopic level, each point either team offers is its own smaller thesis, and each point needs to be supported by evidence. The opposition will challenge the point with a contrary claim, an antithesis, and offer evidence for that contrary proposition. The remainder of the debate will be a process in which each team challenges the other side’s theses and evidence, defends its own claim and its own evidence, and may offer additional evidence to support its own point or refute that of the opposition. Cross-examination periods provide the chance for literal question-and-answer formats. The fact that debaters switch sides between rounds and defend both the affirmative and the negative side of a topic ensures that they are exposed to all possible points of view on a policy question. In short, academic debate demands that students challenge propositions, debate them from each side, and develop their discussions through the interrogation of policy claims. Academic debate is not an activity that simply facilitates dialectical thinking; debate is the practice of dialectical thinking in its most pure form.
DEBATE AS A TOOL OF EMPOWERMENT
Given the criteria for an empowering education developed in the opening section of this paper, three questions remain. How does debate encourage students to think critically? How does debate teach students to be social critics? Finally, how does debate facilitate students becoming agents of change?
Debate teaches students to become critical thinkers because of its dialectical nature. Students in the habit of questioning the claims of others and thinking through the possible objections to their own claims easily develop the mental faculties needed to become active consumers of information. Rather than simply taking knowledge offered to them at face value, students almost automatically begin thinking through possible objections to any knowledge claim and develop poignant questions about it. Consider the recent controversies over whether evolutionism or creationism should be taught in science classes. Some groups would have only creationism taught; some groups would have only evolutionism taught. The most enlightened compromise is, of course, to teach both possibilities and allow students to choose their own answers. Debate facilitates critical outcomes in all possible permutations of the issue. If only one side of the dispute is taught, debaters will automatically begin to question the point of view advanced by the teacher by virtue of mental habit. If both sides of the issue are taught, debaters will have the intellectual skills necessary to ask the most pointed questions and evaluate the dispute in a mature, informed, and systematic way.
Academic debate facilitates the development of students as social critics because of its policy oriented and research intensive nature. Although learning to think dialectically certainly might have some transferable skill that would allow students to evaluate questions of governance, no such transfer is even necessary. Students are directly debating questions of policy, and evaluating the effectiveness, morality, and desirability of different governmental actions and the possibility of non-governmental alternatives. Because all debates begin with an affirmative indictment of the status quo, all policy debates invoke questions of what the current social order is like and how it can be improved. Even when negative, students may offer “counter-plans” that provide alternative policy arrangements or philosophical critiques that ask the judge to “re-think” social orders and evaluate the affirmative plan in that new light. The research intensive nature of debate facilitates all these processes, and not only requires that students develop a broad base of knowledge about particular policy questions but also teaches them how to obtain knowledge on any policy question that they encounter.
Debate teaches students to become agents of change and risk takers because of its competitive, time-pressured, and interscholastic nature. Because debate is competitive, it can be terrifying. Students must engage in a public speaking event, then face the challenges of their opponent, and then immediately receive evaluation by a judge. Students who can face and overcome those challenges and those fears are seldom afraid of public dialogue in any other context, be it a political rally, city board meeting, electoral campaign, legal proceeding, or town hall meeting. The time pressured nature of the activity adds another element of challenge which, when mastered, makes other public discourse seem mundane by comparison. Finally, the interscholastic nature of debate makes students comfortable in dialogues with others of different backgrounds. Although there is no single, easy solution to the problem of confronting an institution controlled by someone that “we do not know and whose values we often do not share,” debate at least gives students the experience of competing against someone from a different socioeconomic level.
Debate thus confronts at all levels the problems that the under-served confront when approaching institutions so often governed by the graduates of rich, private schools: The under-served gain practice at policy discussions on equal footing with the wealthy, skills of discourse are equalized, the experience can make economic disadvantage less of a barrier when confronting other rhetors, and debate can serve as a conduit for the economically under-served to gain positions of power in institutions. The interaction between students from all economic levels can increase understanding and common ground, making it less likely that the governing bodies will represent a single class and will misunderstand others due to a lack of contact. More basically, when students from urban schools debate against elite high schools and win, the students learn that victory is possible and that economic disadvantages can be overcome.
These arguments are theoretical; they cannot speak as powerfully as the voices of those who have experienced both the oppression of an education system failing from the “unique synergy between lack of funding and anachronistic pedagogical practices.” Ed Lee, who now holds a Master’s degree and works for an Urban Debate League in San Francisco, recounts his experience as an urban debater:
Educated in the public school system of inner-city Atlanta, my high school experience was tragically similar to the one depicted above. My savior, like many others, was the Atlanta Urban Debate League. It provided the opportunity to question the nefarious rites of passage (prison, drugs, and drinking) that seem to be uniquely debilitating to individuals in the poor urban communities. In enclaves of poverty, there is also an undercurrent of nihilism and negativity that eats away at the soul of the community. Adults are hopeless. Children follow their lead and become hopeless. The solution is to offer people a choice beyond minimum wage or prison. Urban Debate Leagues provide that. Debating delivers a galaxy of alternatives and opportunity for those who are only offered hopelessness and were unnecessary elements of our culture that existed becaused they (predominantly) go unquestioned. Questioning the very nature of our existence is at the heart of the debate process. I am left wondering what would occur if debate became as compulsory in inner-city educational culture as football and basketball? Imagine graduating from high school each year millions of underprivileged teenagers with the ability to articulate their needs, the needs of others, and the ability to offer solutions. I am convinced that someone would be forced to listen.
Urban debate Leagues offer a pedagogical tool that simultaneously opens the mind to alternatives and empowers students to take control of their lives. Half of the time, students are disseminating information and forming arguments about complex philosophical and political issues. In the other half, they answer the arguments of others. Self-reflexivity is an inherent part of the activity. Debating gives students the ability to articulate the partiality of all critical assessments. Contemporary educational techniques teach one side of the issue and universalize it as the only “truth.” Debate forces students to evaluate both sides, and determine their independent contextualized truth. Additionally, unlike the current pedagogy, debate allows everything to be questioned…The ability to question subjectivities presented as the objective truth makes debate uniquely empowering for individuals disenfranchised by the current system. It teaches students to interrogate their own institutionalized neglect and the systemic unhindered oppression of others. It is one of the few venues we are able to question authority. (pp. 95-6)
Given the possibilities an urban debate program presents, it is worth examining the practical possibilities for a revitalization of urban debate. One thing is clear: Urban debate is under-utilized at present. Many urban debate programs died in the late sixties and early seventies as the result of massive budget cuts. As tax revenues diminished in educational coffers, debate programs, always treated as just one of the “extracurricular” activities, got lost in efforts to stop the institutional bleeding by “doing more with less.” While college debate is more vibrant, as early as 1975 major college debate organizations were acknowledging the lack of diversity in intercollegiate forensics. Little has changed over the past twenty-five years; minority participation remains exceptionally low at the two major national policy debate tournaments, the Cross Examination Debate Association championship and the National Debate Tournament (Hill, 1997; Stepp, 1997)
There has been some discussion about the reasons that current academic debate fails to include participants of all stripes. Loge (1998) maintains that the perception of debate as a white activity is one deterrent for black students. Hill (1997) argues that cultural communication differences hurt efforts at motivating African-American participation. Cirlin (1997) contends that the style in academic debate turns people off in general, and we need to consider sociological approaches to changing the nature of the activity. Cirlin believes that the rapid rate of delivery, the extreme emphasis on research, and the technical nature of the “game” serve to destroy the rhetorical usefulness of the event, he argues. However, Brand (1997) argues that criticism over format acts to shield discussions about the benefits of forensic participation. We agree with Brand, and believe that one primary reason for the lack of minority participation is that high schools remain segregated, and because race and class lines overlap to a large extent the minority students attending impoverished high schools often simply fail to have debate available to them. At the very least, there is not a conscious effort to encourage students, especially under-achieving students, to participate in debate.
The advent of new Urban Debate Leagues demonstrates that when debate opportunities exist in under-served high schools students tend to flock to them. Two seminal programs that can provide a model for success exist in Detroit and Atlanta. Detroit has the longest running contemporary urban debate policy league. Created in 1984, the Detroit Urban Debate League was initiated as part of a plan to expand opportunities for the city’s “Gifted and Talented” (Ziegelmueller, 1998). In partnership with Wayne State University, the Detroit Urban League (UDL) offered summer scholarships and a city league, culminated in a city championship. The program in Atlanta has been spearheaded by Emory University and has been tremendously successful. Emory partnered with the Soros Foundation’s Open Society Institute (OSI) early in their efforts; based on the Emory experience, the OSI has expanded its debate outreach programs and now sponsors Urban Debate Leagues in 10 different cities (including Detroit). One such program exists in New York, which was able to generate a fifteen team league in it’s first year of existence. The program was a success in every level: Traditionally at-risk students reported marked improvements in school, the popularity of these debate programs grew in each participating school, and some students received debate scholarships at colleges and universities around the country. This season, OSI expanded the program to an additional fifteen schools and generated donations and sponsors which offered first year UDL students the opportunity to continue instruction at summer camp. For example, the Universities of Iowa, Michigan, and Northwestern all gave full scholarships to UDL students demonstrating financial need and competitive success.
The Director of OSI program, Beth Breger, speaks to the success of the program:
Since the program’s inception, there has been significant networking and information exchange among grantees, as well as potential partners interested in launching similar programs elsewhere in the country. These initiatives have made great strides in attracting other sponsors and supporters, as programs in Atlanta, Detroit, Chicago, and New York already have funds allocated by the participating schools. Universities have contributed extensive in-kind support, school systems have begun to allocate funding from their budgets, and community and corporate foundations have expressed interest in supporting these initiatives.” (pp. 67-8)
William Baker, director of the New York Urban Debate League, made this additional observation: “The students are reporting grades, watching CNN, and learning, in some cases for the first time, that knowledge is power and debate is the tool for exercising that power” (1998, pp. 70-1).
In short, academic debate has tremendous potential to empower urban students and assist them in their development into active agents of change. Although urban debate is not currently widespread, there are some very promising vanguard programs that have demonstrated that urban debate on a national scale can be very successful. The efforts in Detroit and Atlanta and the interest and support of the OSI have allowed several promising models of urban debate to emerge. One can only wonder at the tremendous transformative effect programs and models could have if duplicated nationwide.
CHALLENGES FACING URBAN DEBATE
No significant educational reform effort is without pitfalls and potential obstacles. Beyond the normal problems of educational reform there are at least four particular challenges that a nationwide urban debate project is likely to encounter. The first difficulty surrounds the resource intensity of debate. Even before the school year starts, students must attend summer institutes, similar to the basketball and football camps that competitive athletes attend. The expensive, private institutes can cost between $2,000 and $3,000 per student; even the streamlined OSI summer institutes cost between $400 and $500 per student, excluding transportation costs. During the year teachers must be paid stipends, and buses, trophies, judges, and photocopies must all be paid for. Well funded non-urban high schools can spend as much as $100,000 a year for a nationally competitive program; low-scale programs directed exclusively at local competition still cost between $5,000 and $8,000.
Financial burdens are not insurmountable, however. One strategy is to tap external funding. The OSI provides $2 million a year for debate outreach and is currently funding programs in many different areas. Part of the OSI strategy is to fund programs for 3 years; during that time programs are expected to contact other funders and develop self-sustaining financing. It is too early to tell how successful such programs will be in developing external funding, but there have been enough successes to demonstrate that sustaining external funding is at least a possibility. Working independently of the OSI, the National Forensic League has received extensive support from the Phillips 66 corporation. Federal Title I money may be available for especially impoverished schools. A second strategy is to work to reduce the cost of participation in debate. There are some creative ways to reduce the cost of summer institutes and tournaments, including shortening the duration, reducing the amount of evidence used, targeting students for extended institute stays, and other strategies. In addition, some organizations may be willing to donate food or transportation rather than money, and those donations can reduce the cost of participation.
In the end, if debate is to become widespread proponents of academic debate must either find ways to reduce the costs of participation, develop funding sources outside of district budgets, or convince administrators that debate programs are worthy of expenditures. Of course, these approaches are not mutually exclusive. A good debate program costs money. So do most things of value. While other academic programs can also boost student achievement there are very few programs that offer the potential to empower students as powerfully as academic debate. Districts and administrators interested in developing students to become positive agents of change should seriously consider making debate a top funding priority.
A second challenge is to find instructors that relate well to the students. Although many of the current programs thrive on college-high school partnerships, one inhibitor to instructional development is that the composition of the inter-collegiate debate community (even in urban institutions) does not always resemble the composition of the urban debate students. Ziegelmueller (1998) warns that college debate programs should not attempt to superimpose their value systems on the high schools. The importance of cultural awareness training and sensitivity training to the success of a university-high school partnership can not be underscored enough. Current experience suggests that this challenge, when confronted directly, can be overcome.
A third challenge concerns the integration of urban debate students into predominantly white and suburban debate circuits. At present most urban debate leagues are structured so that there is a limited urban debate circuit, attended predominantly by urban debate students. Those urban schools might occasionally compete at invitationals or suburban tournaments. As urban debate grows in popularity and urban students gain more experience, however, traditionally urban and traditionally suburban debate circles begin to mix. In the New York area, for example, only six non-urban schools currently compete, and consequently these schools must travel tremendous distances to find quality debate competition. The New York Urban Debate League, however, now has roughly 35 competing schools. Where elite schools have the advantages of funding, experienced coaching, and a history of success, urban debate schools dominate with sheer numbers. When these two different groups come together cooperative interaction between urban and suburban culture is not a given. What defines success, decisions over judging and formats, and stylistic concerns -- including language, dress, and even “appropriate behavior” -- are all cultural concerns requiring negotiation. Diversity as a code-word is thrown around and universally supported by all, but true “integration” comes with many challenges. By way of analogy, many Americans supported the overarching principles of equality espoused in the Civil Rights Movement but had a more difficult time accepting specific programs like busing and Affirmative Action that attempted to redress inequality. Even a recent New York Times study reveals that while whites embrace the ideal of equality, often the means for attaining those ends are rejected (Bennett, 1998). Similarly, the transition to a truly integrated debate world brings challenge and negotiation of contested space.
A final challenge concerns the nature of the leadership in urban debate. The following account has been written exclusively by the lead author of this article, one of the very few African-American college debate coaches:
I remember going to my hometown trying to spread the “gospel” about debate before I received my Master’s degree and Ph.D. I was virtually ignored by local administrators. Debate was perceived as a luxury for those with resources, and not as something for struggling school systems that could not afford books. I hope this paper demonstrates the flaws of such thinking. The OSI initiative has rekindled my desire to see African American administrators grab hold of this opportunity. If Black educators see competitive debate as “just an extracurricular” activity they are missing the point. If they take the time to visit a tournament in Chicago, or Atlanta or New York, and watch the educational process as it truly works, and watch the motivational effect that debate can have on students of all types, including the at-risk students, one instantly becomes a “true believer.” Educators, administrators and politicians are looking for that magic bullet solution to stem the tide of hopelessness, despair, violence, and nihilism in our inner-cities. Debate can be that ammunition. If administrators view debate instruction as integral to the core curriculum and not as a fringe extra, and if administrators fund this project by finding outside sponsors and offering institutional support, we can make a real difference. During my first summer at Emory when the New York students arrived we had a panel discussion with several graduates of the Atlanta UDL, and I realized that debate was more than a game. These students told passionate stories about debate “saving their lives” and how debate was a “way out.” One can only hope that politicians and educators hear these testimonies first hand. Baker (1998) describes the Detroit and Atlanta UDL’s as the beginning of a movement. But the question is now whether African-Americans will allow a predominantly white group to engineer this movement or whether they will recognize the need to be at the forefront of the development of debate programs across the urban landscape. Black scholars should be leading this movement.
These four challenges do present real obstacles to national success but they are not the heads of a Hydra: As they are confronted and overcome, academic debate will become a stronger, more positive force. As Wade (1998) concludes, “Tournament debate has offered profound skills for many who have used them to achieve national leadership roles in government, business, and education, among others. It is only fair that all have access to such a rich experiential education” (pp. 64-5).
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